Interpreting bare quantifiers in context

Edith Kaan1, and Frank Wijnen2
Kaan@Duke.edu, frank.wijnen@let.uu.nl
1 Duke University, Center for Cognitive Neuroscience
Box 90999, Durham NC 27708-0999, USA
2 Utrecht University, Utrecht Institute of Linguistics OTS
Trans 10, 3512 JK Utrecht, Netherlands

When the restrictor of a quantifier is not overt, but must be inferred, multiple possibilities are the rule rather than the exception. How is this type of semantic ambiguity resolved? We hypothesize that (1) semantic processing is immediate and incremental and (2) is guided by a principle of 'forward directionality' (Hendriks & De Hoop 2000): 'select the smallest restrictor allowed by the preceding discourse'.

Experiment 1: Completion of interrupted discourses illustrated in (1)below. Each of the three versions of an item allows two discourse-determined (anaphoric) restrictors for the bare quantifier, in (1) the set of boys examined/passed as fit (small restrictor), or the set of unspecified boys (large restrictor). Subjects generally preferred anaphoric interpretations, except for the (c) items. The (a) items pre-dominantly elicited large restrictor responses, the (b) items small restrictor readings. This effect is due to a predominance of predicates in the (a) items which readily evoke a contrast set (e.g. passed as fit > rejected).

(1)

a.
An army doctor passed five boys as fit for military service.
b.
An army doctor examined five boys for military service.
c.
An army doctor passed two boys as fit for military service
From the file it appeared that three ...

Experiment 2: Difficulty rating of items similar to (1), except that the second sentence was completed with a predicate which was either compatible (b) or incompatible with (a, c) the small restrictor, e.g. "... were declared unfit on account of a bad back." In the (c) items however, the cardinality of the bare quantifier itself already blocks a small restrictor. Subjects found the (c) items more difficult than the (b) items. This suggests that they attempted to select a small restrictor, but had to re-analyze due to the ensuing cardinality conflict. The (a) items were expected to lead to re-analysis at the predicate, also to be reflected in the rated difficulty. It appeared, however, that only (a) items containing non-contrast-evoking predicates were more difficult than the (b) items. Apparently, contrast-evoking predicates immediately cue a large restrictor reading. The (c) items were rated as more difficult than the (a) items, despite identical introductory sentences. This can be related to the earlier observation that the (c) items tend to evoke non-anaphoric readings. Conceivably, switching from a non-anaphoric interpretation to an anaphoric one is more costly than re-analyzing from one anaphoric (small restrictor) interpretation to another (large restrictor). The results are in line with the forward directionality principle, but also show that 'contrastiveness' has an interfering effect. Moreover, if forward directionality leads to a cardinality clash, anaphoric interpretation tends to be abandoned right away. The results also suggest that restrictor selection is immediate, and that reanalysis may ensue if a contradiction arises.


AMLaP Conference, Saarbrücken, September 2001